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News & Politics Thread (Part 5)

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    mellobruce
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    Democrats, China, the Liberal Media and Deep State Join Forces to Keep Coronavirus Fears Alive In Fervent Hope of a Second Wave

    As the coronavirus fizzles in the summer sun, the number of fatalities dwindles in the US. This is common in flu-like viruses like the Wuhan coronavirus.

    This is not good news for those who oppose America and President Trump.

    As was predicted months ago, the China coronavirus, if it acted like similar flu viruses, would fizzle out in the summer months. This is now turning out to be the case. The number of deaths from the coronavirus is dwindling. Yesterday, on June 13, 2020, the number of deaths related to the coronavirus reported in the US, a nation of over 330 million, dropped to 776. The coronavirus is dissipating as the US heats up.

    Democrat leadership in this contrived crisis has been inept at best and criminally culpable at worst.

    And then add the Antifa riots and looting, and you have a real shitstorm.

    Thanks to the Democrat response to the coronavirus and the riots and looting we have been exposed to a level of incompetence difficult to justify.  ‘Defund the Police’ is even better than the ‘Green New Deal’,  if you really want to alienate most rational people.

     

     

     

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    Trump’s showmanship is now backfiring on him

    (CNN) Donald Trump’s showmanship — a key ingredient in his unorthodox reality show-style approach to the presidency — is beginning to fail him, increasingly emphasizing his disconnect with many Americans and struggles to manage crises besieging the White House.

    The President’s television producer’s eye leads him to seek dramatic tableaus that create his preferred image of himself — strong, defiant, tearing down establishment structures and trampling the normal etiquette of the presidency.

    But his recent attempts to create arresting political imagery appear to be backfiring.

    In the most recent example on Saturday, Trump’s attempt to wrap himself in the power and prestige of the military failed at a West Point graduation ceremony apparently put on for his benefit, when his creeping walk down a ramp triggered so much social media mockery that he felt the need to explain it in a tweet of his own.

    And for all his tweets about law and order, he didn’t weigh in on the latest apparent incident of police brutality — the fatal shooting of Rayshard Brooks in the back in Atlanta, which led to the resignation of the city’s police chief — while secluded at his New Jersey golf resort for much of the weekend.

    The President’s now notorious march to an iconic church in Washington, DC’s Lafayette Square, after protesters were forcibly ejected, was meant to project strength to his supporters, but turned into an emblem of his mismanagement of the George Floyd protests and severely strained his relationship with current and former military brass. A high iron fence erected around the White House then turned into a symbol of the President’s disconnect with changes sweeping the nation.

    Trump’s instincts throughout the aftermath of Floyd’s death with a police officer’s knee on his neck have been to leverage the situation to advance his own political prospects — rather than to cool tensions and seek national reconciliation. Over the weekend, for instance, he pounced on Major League Soccer’s policy of backing the rights of its players to protest during the National Anthem.

    “And it looks like the NFL is heading in that direction also, but not with me watching,” the President tweeted. Trump has long exploited the controversy over players taking a knee to protest police brutality to create a culture war issue to appeal to his supporters. But there is the possibility that when NFL games resume, his choice to escalate could turn against the President if more and more players take a knee and reflect a nation that is increasingly willing to reconsider some of its attitudes on race.

    Back on the campaign trail

    This week, the President will return to the campaign trail, holding a rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma, on Saturday night — despite fears that an indoor arena event with the kind of huge crowd that is banned from sporting events will cause a spike in infections of the novel coronavirus.

    The initial plan was to have the rally on Friday. But the decision to coincide with Juneteenth, a holiday marking the end of slavery, served to emphasize the President’s tone deafness on race. And instead of leading on the issue, the President is behind — with both Democratic and Republican lawmakers working on police reform and with major changes to the practice of law enforcement being ordered by states and city mayors.

    Trump’s rallies, a striking example of political performance art, are far more important to him than they might be to a conventional politician. Not only do they give the President the center stage chance to bask in the adulation of a crowd, they also in many ways define his wild presidency, and give an impression that Trump is marshaling a massive anti-Washington political movement.

    Trump has plans for more rallies in Arizona, Texas, and Florida — states where the virus is fast rising again after early economic openings that he demanded. The events will likely focus attention on his denial about the pandemic and inaccurate judgment that the United States has “prevailed” over the crisis.

    His ostentatious refusal to wear a mask, meanwhile, is undercutting his own government’s message that face coverings could significantly slow the spread of the coronavirus and actually accelerate a resumption of normal life.

    US Surgeon General Dr. Jerome Adams on Sunday undermined Trump’s implied argument that government-mandated changes of social behavior to deal with the virus are an infringement on the basic rights of Americans. “Some feel face coverings infringe on their freedom of choice — but if more wear them, we’ll have MORE freedom to go out,” Adams wrote on Twitter.

    In many ways, Trump’s presidency is a series of interconnected and choreographed moments, from his summits with North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un, which have done nothing to convince the isolated state to quit its nuclear drive, to staged announcements like a recent decision to quit the World Health Organization in the middle of a pandemic. Critics saw that decision as an attempt to deflect blame for his own failings in fighting a virus that he long insisted would not be a problem for the US and has now killed more than 115,000 Americans.

    State polls show clear shift toward Democrats since protests began

    This was the case, for instance, when he visited France in 2017 as a guest of honor at the country’s Bastille Day parade and returned home determined to stage his own spectacular with himself as the centerpiece. The event eventually materialized into a hugely controversial celebration on July 4 last year that pleased his supporters but alienated millions of Americans by politicizing patriotism and raised grave questions about the President’s use of the military as a political prop.

    One of the key questions of November’s election will be whether the message that the President is sending to his supporters — and to middle-of-the-road swing voters — with his brazen showmanship will be sufficient to assemble a winning coalition or could end up turning more voters against him.

    Trump fires back about ramp walk

    The President and his reelection campaign have spent months trying to portray Democrat Joe Biden as infirm and mentally and physically unfit for the rigors of the presidency.

    But the White House has refused to be upfront about the President’s own health, including a mysterious and unplanned visit to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center last November.

    And when critics raised questions about Trump’s slow walk down the ramp at West Point, he couldn’t handle it.

    The President, who turned 74 on Sunday, fired back on Twitter with his own narrative about what happened, which only served to amplify the moment.

    “The ramp that I descended after my West Point Commencement speech was very long & steep, had no handrail and, most importantly, was very slippery. The last thing I was going to do is “fall” for the Fake News to have fun with. Final ten feet I ran down to level ground. Momentum!” the President wrote in a tweet early on Sunday morning.

    The West Point graduation went ahead even though the cadets had been taking part in online learning since March since the academy is in New York, one of the hardest-hit areas during the pandemic.

    The President made clear back in April that he planned to attend the graduation in person, despite critics warning that he was putting cadets at risk as they were called back for the socially-distanced event.

    Ahead of his campaign rally in Tulsa on Saturday, attendees are required to sign a waiver pledging that they will not sue the President’s campaign if they contract the virus, a situation that has sparked criticism that Trump is putting people — rally goers and the people they will meet in the community — at risk to further his own political requirements.

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    All the trump 2020 employees tell media anonymously that he’s losing reelection. They have no doubt he’s losing-the trump 2020 employees in DC

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    Model projects 200,000 people in the US could die of coronavirus by October

    (CNN) The United States could see more than 200,000 deaths from Covid-19 by October 1, a closely watched model predicted Monday as states continue to reopen.

    More than 2 million have been infected by the virus and 116,125 have died, according to data from Johns Hopkins University. Though many states are seeing improved conditions, the pandemic has not yet reached its conclusion. The projection comes as 18 states are still seeing an upward trend in new cases.

    Dr. Fauci says normalcy may not return until next year following Covid-19 case spikes

    Health experts expect a second wave of the virus’ spread. And continued loosening of restrictions may make the impact of the next outbreak worse, said Ali Mokdad, one of the creators of the model from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME) at the University of Washington.

    “Increased mobility and premature relaxation of social distancing led to more infections and we see it in Florida, Arizona, and other states. This means more projected deaths,” Mokdad told CNN.

    Although daily death rates are expected in drop in June and July, the model forecasts a second hike in deaths through September, culminating in 201,129 by October 1.

    The model’s certainty does decrease the further out in time it projects.

    Projections such as the one from the IHME, as well as metrics on infections and hospitalizations, are important as states decide how to proceed. Looking at the infection rates currently, Dr. Anthony Fauci told British newspaper The Telegraph, it will likely be months before life can return to normal again.

    How states are trending

    18 states trending upward in newly reported cases from one week to the next: California, Oregon, Nevada, Arizona, Montana, Wyoming, Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Alaska and Hawaii.

    10 states are seeing steady numbers of newly reported cases: Washington, Utah, South Dakota, Kansas, Iowa, Tennessee, Ohio, West Virginia, Maine and Rhode Island.

    22 states with a downward trend: Idaho, Colorado, New Mexico, Nebraska, North Dakota, Minnesota, Missouri, Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire and Delaware.

    States decide whether to continue to reopen as virus spreads

    Some states seeing rising coronavirus cases may have to decide if they will continue reopening as planned.

    Although Arkansas recorded 731 new cases — its largest spike since the pandemic began — the state still will move into phase two of reopening, according to Gov. Asa Hutchinson.

    “We can’t have life on hold for six months to a year until there’s a vaccination,” said Hutchinson. “We have to be able to carry on life and business.”

    North Carolina’s next steps are not yet clear as the state sees positive rates of tests and hospitalizations. Gov. Roy Cooper told reporters Monday that he would announce early next week whether the state will still open under phase three later this month.

    The city of Austin, Texas, has already taken action, extending stay home orders through August 15, Mayor Steve Adler tweeted Monday.

    There has been a rise in cases of coronavirus in the city, Adler said. Meanwhile, Texas reported a record high of 2,326 hospitalizations due to coronavirus on Monday.

    New Jersey is among the states with the lowest trend in new cases in the country, but Gov. Phil Murphy said that does not equal clearance to throw out precautions.

    “We’re not just going to throw up our doors all at once as other states have done,” Murphy said. “We’ve already paid a huge, huge almost unfathomable price.”

    Who is getting sick

    A new report from the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention sheds some light on the demographic breakdown of who is getting sick with the virus in the US and how they have fared.

    CDC report offers detailed demographic breakdown of who is getting coronavirus
    Of the 1,761,503 cases of coronavirus between January 22 and May 30, 14% were hospitalized, 2% were admitted to the intensive care unit and 5% died.

    The latest figures confirm that older people, minorities and those with preexisting health conditions are at highest risk of death.

    Globally, about one in five people have an underlying health condition that put them at increased risk of getting severely ill from coronavirus, according to a study published in the journal Lancet Global Health on Monday.

    Many of those may have conditions that have not been diagnosed or are not known to the health system, the researchers, from institutions around the world including the United Kingdom, United States and China, wrote in the study.

    Learning more about the virus

    Health professionals are hoping to protect people from the virus by learning more about it.

    The National Institutes of Health launched a national database to collect medical information on US coronavirus patients to learn more.

    FDA revokes authorization of drug Trump touted

    “This effort aims to transform clinical information into knowledge urgently needed to study COVID-19, including health risk factors that indicate better or worse outcomes of the disease, and identify potentially effective treatments,” the agency said in a news release Monday.

    To help inform the public about if they have been exposed to the virus, the Red Cross announced Monday that it will be testing all blood, plasma and platelet donations for coronavirus antibodies.

    The test, which has been authorized by the US Food and Drug Administration, shows whether a person’s immune system has produced antibodies to fight the virus.

    Children were once thought to not be as likely to have a difficult fight with the virus, but a team at Northwell Health, a large New York health system, said that a condition called Multi-Inflammatory Syndrome in Children (MIS-C) may be a delayed response to a coronavirus infection.

    “We were pretty shocked as it was playing out,” Dr. Charles Schleien told CNN on Monday. “The whole syndrome came out of the blue. We had been comfortable for months (in the belief) that kids weren’t affected all these months by coronavirus.”

    CNN’s Andrea Kane, Naomi Thomas, Janine Mack, Sharif Paget, Raja Razek, Maggie Fox, Shelby Lin Erdman and Hollie Silverman contributed to this report.

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    Two conservative justices joined decision expanding LGBTQ rights

    Washington (CNN) Five years after the US Supreme Court declared a fundamental right for same-sex couples to marry, the justices produced another landmark for the gay rights movement by ruling that federal anti-bias law covers millions of gay, lesbian and transgender workers.

    Monday’s decision came at the hands of an unusual six-justice coalition on the nine-member bench, cloaked in legalistic, textualist reading of the statute but nonetheless reflecting a cultural transformation in America.

    The ruling joins the annals of high court decisions over the last quarter century that have helped drive gay progress on myriad fronts, including the 2003 decision striking down statutes that criminalized sodomy and a 2013 action that invalidated a federal law that denied married same-sex couples the Social Security and other benefits given opposite-sex married couples.

    Even with a newly cemented conservative majority, it appears the high court will continue moving forward on LGBTQ rights. There is still a question of how such rights will fare when religious objections emerge or questions about shared locker rooms and bathrooms are invoked in a transgender dispute — issues Monday’s opinion specifically did not address.

    The 6-3 decision was written by Justice Neil Gorsuch, President Donald Trump’s first high court appointee and an unyielding conservative on most disputes.

    Equally significant, the decision was joined by Chief Justice John Roberts, who had never signed an opinion endorsing gay rights.

    The legal milestone mirrors cultural changes and brings LGBTQ rights into a new realm of the law. While the 2015 decision finding a right to same-sex marriage marked a climax in domestic life, Monday’s decision ushers in equality on the job.

    The majority ruled that Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which prohibits discrimination “because of” sex, extends to people who face job bias arising from their sexual orientation or gender identity.

    Gorsuch said the “message” of the law is “simple and momentous: An individual’s homosexuality or transgender status is not relevant to employment decisions. That’s because it is impossible to discriminate against a person for being homosexual or transgender without discriminating against that individual based on sex.”

    More than 7 million people in the US identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender, according to the Williams Institute at UCLA. Of those, about 4 million currently live in states where laws do not protect workers from discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity.

    Chief Justice Roberts joins the opinion

    As much as Gorsuch’s vote has dismayed conservatives on the court and off, the vote of Roberts, also usually on the right wing, was not predictable.

    In his 15 years as chief justice, Roberts’ dissent in the 2015 gay marriage case marked his first and only oral dissent from the bench.

    Roberts argued then that the majority had put itself in the role of an elected legislature and ignored the limits of the Constitution. Roberts went so far as to compare it to the Dred Scott ruling of 1857 that said blacks could not be citizens.

    “If you are among the many Americans — of whatever sexual orientation — who favor expanding same-sex marriage,” Roberts also wrote at the time, “by all means celebrate today’s decision. Celebrate the achievement of a desired goal. … Celebrate the availability of new benefits. But do not celebrate the Constitution. It had nothing to do with it.”

    The three dissenters on Monday similarly criticized the majority for encroaching on what they said was the domain of legislators, not judges.

    Justice Brett Kavanaugh, dissenting, tried to emphasize that he was not against gay rights and noted the historic nature of the decision. But Kavanaugh was not going to be part of it.

    “This Court has previously stated, and I fully agree, that gay and lesbian Americans ‘cannot be treated as social outcasts or as inferior in dignity and worth.’ But we are judges, not Members of Congress.”

    Not a new liberal court

    The 6-3 ruling should not be taken as a sign of a new liberal court. Rather, it is a reflection of kind of cross-ideological consensus that can emerge when individual conservative justices have specific interests that align with those of the four liberal justices.

    That type of pattern tends to be specific to the subject at hand, perhaps influenced by a national atmosphere and trends.

    One LGBTQ rights test on the horizon will come next session in a case from Philadelphia. It centers on foster-care agencies that will not accept same-sex parents on religious grounds.

    The Trump administration had argued against Monday’s outcome, and the ruling may have seemed improbable after the 2018 retirement of Justice Anthony Kennedy, who had been the author of all gay rights opinions dating to 1996 and was often the deciding vote on a bench riven on the cultural dilemma.

    Unlike the 2015 marriage case rooted in constitutional protections, Monday’s trio of disputes, consolidated as Bostock v. Clayton County, involved a statutory interpretation. They were brought on behalf of two gay men fired from their jobs, as a skydiving instructor and a child welfare services coordinator, and on behalf of a transgender woman who lost her position as a funeral home director.

    The employers argued that firing gay or transgender individuals did not violate Title VII.

    Trump-inspired political sparring hits the courts

    As the court majority ruled otherwise, Gorsuch avoided the often-elevated tone of Kennedy’s decisions and in his 33-page explication focused on a close reading of Title VII. In adhering to his textual conservatism, Gorsuch said the words of the statute and its focus on “individuals, not groups” lead to a single interpretation.

    He acknowledged that Congress likely would not have anticipated Monday’s result when it passed the law in 1964, but he said the prohibition on discrimination “because of sex” necessarily covers people who face bias because of they are gay, lesbian or transgender.

    “When the express terms of a statute give us one answer and extratextual considerations suggest another,” Gorsuch wrote, “it’s no contest. Only the written word is the law, and all persons are entitled to its benefit.”

    That Gorsuch wrote the opinion was no accident. Roberts, as the senior justice in the majority, had the authority to choose who would write for the court. He selected the conservative textualist, rather than himself or any one of the four liberals: Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan.

    Debate over Scalia’s desires

    Dissenting were Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Kavanaugh.

    In his dissenting opinion, Alito, joined by Thomas, scoffed at Gorsuch’s approach, contending he “attempts to pass off its decision as the inevitable product of the textualist school of statutory interpretation championed by our late colleague Justice (Antonin) Scalia, but no one should be fooled.

    “The Court’s opinion is like a pirate ship. It sails under a textualist flag, but what it actually represents is a theory of statutory interpretation that Justice Scalia excoriated — the theory that courts should ‘up-date’ old statutes so that they better reflect the current values of society,” Alito added.

    Gorsuch argued that he was doing the opposite, interpreting the words as written in 1964.

    “Ours is a society of written laws,” Gorsuch concluded. “Judges are not free to overlook plain statutory commands on the strength of nothing more than suppositions about intentions or guesswork about expectations. In Title VII, Congress adopted broad language making it illegal for an employer to rely on an employee’s sex when deciding to fire that employee. We do not hesitate to recognize today a necessary consequence of that legislative choice: An employer who fires an individual merely for being gay or transgender defies the law.”

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    Ferguson’s first black mayor takes office as nation confronts racism

    (CNN) Ella Jones never planned to be a politician.

    Now, after being elected as the first black mayor of Ferguson, Missouri — just years removed from the protests that followed the death of Michael Brown — she finds herself at the helm of a city still dealing with its own painful past as the nation contends with systemic racism and police brutality.

    “Some people feel that when black people get in charge that the city is going to be deteriorating, and that people will — businesses will be moving. So being the first black woman of Ferguson, I have to dispel that myth because I am qualified to be the leader of Ferguson, qualified to be the mayor, qualified to bring in developers here,” said Jones, who will be sworn into office Tuesday night. “Being black, we just have to work more, prove ourselves more because our counterparts don’t believe that we are capable of doing what we can do.”

    Jones, who studied and got her bachelor’s degree in chemistry, says her training is more useful than a non-scientist might think, especially in combustible environments like the one she is about to enter.

    “Chemistry teaches strategy. It allows you to sit back and realize how reactions take place. I always see myself as a catalyst and a catalyst allows two chemicals to come together and react, and don’t be consumed in the midst of the reaction,” she said.

    “People need a place where they can come and talk and you don’t get consumed in it, but you can be optimistic, hear people out with respect,” she added.

    The city of Ferguson is known for the 2014 fatal shooting of 18-year-old Michael Brown, an unarmed black teenager. Protests and riots after Brown’s death exploded when a grand jury decided not to indict the white officer who killed him.

    Nearly six years after Brown’s death, protests against police brutality and racism are happening again across the country after the killing of George Floyd, a 46-year-old African American man who died in police custody in Minneapolis last month.

    “The position as mayor of Ferguson is no different than what it was in 2014, it was a riot, protesting. It was looting. It was damaged. And the city is in the same disarray right now. So we can’t do nothing but go forward,” Jones said.

    She has already been a key part of the reforms that took place following Brown’s death as the first black woman elected to the Ferguson City Council in 2015.

    To help soothe the city’s unrest and fix a broken system, the federal government stepped in and eventually negotiated a consent decree with Ferguson for police and judicial reforms.

    With her seat on the city council, Jones has been a part of that process.

    “We have the police more working toward constitutional policing,” Jones said. “They wear their name badges when they stop people. They give them a business card. They are courteous to people. We have a lot of policies that have been put in place. Our police department is getting training on those policies.”

    “Our courts (have) totally been reformed, people can feel like when they go to court, they’re treated with dignity and that has made a big difference,” she added.

    When asked about the national movement to defund police departments, Jones said she can’t speak for other cities, but she does not support it for Ferguson.

    “We’ve worked too hard to get it to where it is and not to fund it is not a good move for us,” she said.

    Jones’ first mayoral run was in 2017, when she tried unsuccessfully to unseat James Knowles III, who had been in office since 2011. Knowles was term limited and could not run for reelection this year.

    Jones beat opponent Heather Robinette earlier this month, making her not only the first black mayor of predominantly black Ferguson, but also the first woman in the role.

    “Second, a reminder of the difference politics and voting can make in changing who has the power to make real change in a community like Ferguson with a history of blatant discriminatory law enforcement practices,” former president Barack Obama tweeted after Jones’ win.

    Her own experience with racism is all too familiar

    Jones grew up in New Orleans, where she said she — like black children all over the country — was taught how to speak to police in the most polite way possible in order to avoid trouble.

    When she relocated to Ferguson and began working for General Motors more than 40 years ago, she and her husband moved into what she described as a mixed-race development.

    She worked odd hours, often coming home after midnight, where she said she was stopped regularly by police in her own neighborhood for no reason.

    Jones said police would ask her questions like: “Where, where was I going? Where was I coming from that time of night? Where am I going? Do I really live at the address that I really live at?”

    “They didn’t believe that we bought a house in the neighborhood that we lived in,” she said.

    When her late husband asked why she was getting home so late, and she explained that the police kept stopping her, he went to the police station to talk to them.

    “He came back and said, ‘I don’t think they’ll stop you anymore,'” Jones recalled. “Being stopped as a black person takes a different meaning than being stopped as a white person,” she said.

    “I’m still pinching myself”

    Jones is openly reveling in the history she is making as Ferguson’s first black mayor.

    “It sends a message to the whole world that you don’t have to settle for the leadership that’s before you. You go out, do the work, get people to vote and change the leadership,” Jones said.

    “I’m still pinching myself to believe it, but it means a lot to the people because the people wanted to change. They did the work, they elected me and it’s, it’s just hope. People have hope that when they come together and do the work, they can make the changes that they need,” she added.

    Still, she will take the oath of office this week clear-eyed about the challenges, especially when it comes to racial harmony.

    She spent the past five years on the city council working alongside a white counterpart. She said black residents from her ward almost always only went to her for help, and white residents went to the ward’s white councilwoman.

    Trying to change that — becoming a mayor who people of all walks of life feel comfortable coming to for help — is her priority.

    “There is common ground for people to come together on. And when people have an opportunity to sit down and talk, they realize that my life is not any different than your life. We all breathe the same air. The color of our skin shouldn’t make us to the point that we believe one person is better than another one,” Jones said.

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    All the trump 2020 employees tell media anonymously that he’s losing reelection. They have no doubt he’s losing-the trump 2020 employees in DC

    Funny stuff. ‘They’ are idiots

    This will be a landslide victory for the GOP and Donald Trump AND the world will be saved from globalism, socialism and Chinese dominance.  You don’t want Chinese dominance, really.  Anyone hear of Tiananmen Square?  June 4, 1989?

    There is no Antifa in China.

    Coverage of riots, looting, CHAZ/CHOP, defund the police and other leftist insanity is like an ongoing ad for Four More Years.

     

     

     

     

     

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    Canada:  True Snowflake country…I am so ashamed

    University Professor Loses Admin Job For Stating That “Men Cannot Get Pregnant”

    A professor at the University of Alberta was fired from her administration role because her views on gender (based on the fact that one’s biological sex is real) made some students to “feel unsafe”.

    Kathleen Lowrey is an associate professor of anthropology at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Alberta, in Canada. She is also serving as the chair of the undergraduate program – an administrative role which includes duties such as chairing a committee about courses, approving transfer credits, and running a special seminar for honors students in the department.

    She’s also a feminist. However, according to some anonymous students and the higher-ups of her University, she is not the right kind of feminist. Because she believes that women are … women. Even worse, she believes that men cannot be women because they don’t have a vagina.

    Lowrey is not a conservative that is looking to “own the libs”. She actually ascribes her intellectual formation to Marxism and radical feminism. While this kind of background should receive an enthusiastic thumbs-up from the social justice crowd, it is not enough anymore.

    That’s because Lowrey describes herself as a “gender-critical feminist” which considers biological sex of primordial importance in fighting for women’s rights. While, only a few years ago, this precept was the norm in feminist circles, it is now deemed bad and “transphobic”.

    This is beyond basic, however,  men really, truly cannot get pregnant.  Men do not have the physiology to get preggers, OK?   This may be shocking to some, but there is xx and xy and that is all there is, aside from rare mutations which occur, rarely.

    JKRowling is correct.

     

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    All the [Trump] 2020 employees tell media anonymously that he’s losing reelection. They have no doubt he’s losing-the [Trump] 2020 employees in DC

    That’s because they have read the polls—those which are made public and those which are internal—and they understand the electoral arena enough to sense which political party is more likely to prevail for U.S. President here in 2020.

    Funny stuff. ‘They’ are idiots

    This will be a landslide victory for the GOP and Donald Trump AND the world will be saved from globalism, socialism and Chinese dominance.

    45th U.S. president Donald Trump is in position to become the 11th unseated president in United States history.

    The catalyst: COVID–19. This includes massive unemployment. Striking on the watch of a Republican-affiliated U.S. president, eligible for possible re-election, timed closely with the upcoming general election.

    Low-approval job polls numbers have been common and reported since Donald Trump’s presidency began in January 2017.

    A “2020 Generic Congressional Vote” preference for the Democrats, as reported by Real Clear Politics, is lately in the 7- to 8-point range for national margin. (Since 2000, the political party which won the U.S. Popular Vote, for U.S. House, also prevailed for U.S. President. And those five election cycles—2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, and 2016—were margins spreads, U.S. Popular Vote for U.S. President vs. U.S. House, of 0.92, 0.18, 3.34, 2.70, and 3.17 with their average 2.06. So, there tends to be a close alignment.)

    For Donald Trump to win re-election, here in 2020, he cannot lose the U.S. Popular Vote by more than –3.50 percentage points. (His 2016 margin was a loss of –2.09.) In this scenario, and based off the 2016 map, he holds tipping-point state Wisconsin, his 270th electoral vote from 2016, while losing fellow Rust Belts Pennsylvania and Michigan as Democratic pickups. (Flaws: With exception of 1988, the trio voted the same in the ten prior election cycles of 1980 to 2016. And every president who won a second term who carried Pennsylvania and Michigan in his first election won both states with re-election.) And Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Michigan are, as I would label them, The Key Bellwether States of 2020 (as they turned out to be in 2016). They’re just about the full 100-percent rate of likelihood to back the winner again in 2020.

    Another re-election scenario for Trump, like most presidents who won second terms, is for him to increase his second over his first cycle numbers—especially with his electoral-vote score. (All but two U.S. presidents—1916 Woodrow Wilson and 2012 Barack Obama—experienced gains.) Trump would need to increase his 2016-to-2020 support nationally and state after state—but this is not reflected in the polls nationwide and state after state—to make this possible. The challenge is finding where Trump is doing that.

    Real Clear Politics has the poll reports (and with links). 2020 Trump is underperforming 2016 Trump in all his Republican pickups from 2016: Florida, Iowa, Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. (He also flipped Maine’s 2nd Congressional District. And nearly all of them are polling as 2020 Democratic pickups. Depends on source and how closely one follows this. And there are the states’ voting patterns, particularly in relation to each other. Trump’s strongest chance for a 2020 Republican hold is bellwether-in-decline Ohio.)

    Trump is shifting next to nothing that was in the 2016 Democratic column for losing nominee Hillary Clinton. States closest to his reach, to flip with re-election, like New Hampshire, Minnesota, and statewide Maine—with margins of –0.36, –1.51, and –2.96—are polling with solidifying 2016-to-2020 Democratic support. With possible exception of California, the 2016-to-2020 Democrats are polling with increased support in Top 10 and Top 20 populous states New York, Illinois, New Jersey, Virginia, Washington, Massachusetts, Maryland, and No. 21-ranked Colorado. Not all states have been polled. This is important because 1996 and 2004 re-elections for Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, both of whom increased their popular-vote margins by +3 points—included them flipping at least one state not carried in their first-term election wins.

    Trump is experiencing decreased support in states which were 2012-to-2016 Republican holds (and are normally aligned to the Republican Party): Top 20 populous Indiana, Tennessee, Missouri and, outside the Top 20, states like South Carolina, Kentucky, Oklahoma, and Utah.

    The Emerging States—meaning particular states which have been long-established as aligned with the Republicans but are recently trending away from them and toward the Democrats—of Arizona, Georgia, and Texas are polling as conspicuous underperformances and are poised to flip for a 2020 Democratic presidential pickup winner with a sufficient margin in the U.S. Popular Vote. (My estimates for necessary U.S. Popular Vote margins: +4, for Arizona; +5, for Georgia; and +7, for Texas.)

    If all states were to get polled, and they should be, I would anticipate Trump underperforming in at least 45 states. But, it wouldn’t be unthinkable if he is underperforming in 48 or 49 or 50. Past Republican and Democratic pickup winners, like 1976 Jimmy Carter (50), 1980 Ronald Reagan, 1992 Bill Clinton, and 2000 George W. Bush (each 49), experienced that.

    At this rate, with these national polls, they indicate 2020 Democratic presumptive nominee Joe Biden will unseat Republican incumbent Donald Trump by at least +7 points in the U.S. Popular Vote. That would yield the 2016 Democrats’ map of 20 states, plus District of Columbia, and original 232 electoral votes. Pickups would come from the following (* 2016 Republican pickup):

    21. * Michigan (–0.22; cumulative 248 electoral votes)
    22. * Pennsylvania (–0.72; cum. 268)
    23. * Wisconsin (–0.76; cum. 278—the tipping-point state from 2016)
    24. * Florida (–1.19; cum. 307)
    Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District (–2.23; cum. 308)
    25. Arizona (–3.50; cum. 319)
    26. North Carolina (–3.66; cum. 334)
    27. Georgia (–5.10; cum. 350)
    28. * Iowa (–9.41; cum. 356)
    — * Maine’s 2nd Congressional District (–10.28; cum. 357)
    29. Texas (–8.98; cum. 395)
    30. * Ohio (–8.07; cum. 413)
    31. Montana (–20.23; cum. 416)
    32. South Carolina (–14.27; cum. 425)

    I estimate U.S. Popular Vote margins of +8, +9, and +10 make those listed between Nos. 30 to 32 also flippable.

    Along with this, it is likely the 2020 Democrats also flip majority control of the U.S. Senate. They will likely lose Alabama (because it is generally heavily aligned to the Republicans) but counter-flip: Colorado (which, since 2008, became realigned to the Democrats), Arizona (special), Maine, and North Carolina (same-party outcomes, for U.S. President and U.S. Senate, since 1972). Reaching that 51st seat, and with exceeding that number, involves Georgia (special and regular), Iowa, and Montana. (If all flip, that would be a new majority of 54 seats.) Anything more involves the likes of South Carolina, Texas, and Kansas (which may turn out to be the 2020 Democrats’ No. 33 best state, for U.S. President, whether or not carried; again, depends on national 2016-to-2020 shift and result in U.S. Popular Vote margin).

    mellobruce—If you disagree, please respond and be specific with explaining why. But, I will conclude with this: By the stretch of no one’s imagination—not even a person who is completely full of shit—is Election 2020 shaping up to become a Republican landslide.

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    mellobruce
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    —not even a person who is completely full of shit—

    a letter/number asshole,

    wait, that’s DS0816.

    Specific enough?

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    mellobruce
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    45th U.S. president Donald Trump is in position to become the 11th unseated president in United States history. The catalyst: COVID–19. This includes massive unemployment. Striking on the watch of a Republican-affiliated U.S. president, eligible for possible re-election, timed closely with the upcoming general election. Low-approval job polls numbers have been common and reported since Donald Trump’s presidency began in January 2017. A “2020 Generic Congressional Vote” preference for the Democrats, as reported by Real Clear Politics, is lately in the 7- to 8-point range for national margin. (Since 2000, the political party which won the U.S. Popular Vote, for U.S. House, also prevailed for U.S. President. And those five election cycles—2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, and 2016—were margins spreads, U.S. Popular Vote for U.S. President vs. U.S. House, of 0.92, 0.18, 3.34, 2.70, and 3.17 with their average 2.06. So, there tends to be a close alignment.) For Donald Trump to win re-election, here in 2020, he cannot lose the U.S. Popular Vote by more than –3.50 percentage points. (His 2016 margin was a loss of –2.09.) In this scenario, and based off the 2016 map, he holds tipping-point state Wisconsin, his 270th electoral vote from 2016, while losing fellow Rust Belts Pennsylvania and Michigan as Democratic pickups. (Flaws: With exception of 1988, the trio voted the same in the ten prior election cycles of 1980 to 2016. And every president who won a second term who carried Pennsylvania and Michigan in his first election won both states with re-election.) And Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Michigan are, as I would label them, The Key Bellwether States of 2020 (as they turned out to be in 2016). They’re just about the full 100-percent rate of likelihood to back the winner again in 2020. Another re-election scenario for Trump, like most presidents who won second terms, is for him to increase his second over his first cycle numbers—especially with his electoral-vote score. (All but two U.S. presidents—1916 Woodrow Wilson and 2012 Barack Obama—experienced gains.) Trump would need to increase his 2016-to-2020 support nationally and state after state—but this is not reflected in the polls nationwide and state after state—to make this possible. The challenge is finding where Trump is doing that. Real Clear Politics has the poll reports (and with links). 2020 Trump is underperforming 2016 Trump in all his Republican pickups from 2016: Florida, Iowa, Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. (He also flipped Maine’s 2nd Congressional District. And nearly all of them are polling as 2020 Democratic pickups. Depends on source and how closely one follows this. And there are the states’ voting patterns, particularly in relation to each other. Trump’s strongest chance for a 2020 Republican hold is bellwether-in-decline Ohio.) Trump is shifting next to nothing that was in the 2016 Democratic column for losing nominee Hillary Clinton. States closest to his reach, to flip with re-election, like New Hampshire, Minnesota, and statewide Maine—with margins of –0.36, –1.51, and –2.96—are polling with solidifying 2016-to-2020 Democratic support. With possible exception of California, the 2016-to-2020 Democrats are polling with increased support in Top 10 and Top 20 populous states New York, Illinois, New Jersey, Virginia, Washington, Massachusetts, Maryland, and No. 21-ranked Colorado. Not all states have been polled. This is important because 1996 and 2004 re-elections for Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, both of whom increased their popular-vote margins by +3 points—included them flipping at least one state not carried in their first-term election wins. Trump is experiencing decreased support in states which were 2012-to-2016 Republican holds (and are normally aligned to the Republican Party): Top 20 populous Indiana, Tennessee, Missouri and, outside the Top 20, states like South Carolina, Kentucky, Oklahoma, and Utah. The Emerging States—meaning particular states which have been long-established as aligned with the Republicans but are recently trending away from them and toward the Democrats—of Arizona, Georgia, and Texas are polling as conspicuous underperformances and are poised to flip for a 2020 Democratic presidential pickup winner with a sufficient margin in the U.S. Popular Vote. (My estimates for necessary U.S. Popular Vote margins: +4, for Arizona; +5, for Georgia; and +7, for Texas.) If all states were to get polled, and they should be, I would anticipate Trump underperforming in at least 45 states. But, it wouldn’t be unthinkable if he is underperforming in 48 or 49 or 50. Past Republican and Democratic pickup winners, like 1976 Jimmy Carter (50), 1980 Ronald Reagan, 1992 Bill Clinton, and 2000 George W. Bush (each 49), experienced that. At this rate, with these national polls, they indicate 2020 Democratic presumptive nominee Joe Biden will unseat Republican incumbent Donald Trump by at least +7 points in the U.S. Popular Vote. That would yield the 2016 Democrats’ map of 20 states, plus District of Columbia, and original 232 electoral votes. Pickups would come from the following (* 2016 Republican pickup): 21. * Michigan (–0.22; cumulative 248 electoral votes) 22. * Pennsylvania (–0.72; cum. 268) 23. * Wisconsin (–0.76; cum. 278—the tipping-point state from 2016) 24. * Florida (–1.19; cum. 307) — Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District (–2.23; cum. 308) 25. Arizona (–3.50; cum. 319) 26. North Carolina (–3.66; cum. 334) 27. Georgia (–5.10; cum. 350) 28. * Iowa (–9.41; cum. 356) — * Maine’s 2nd Congressional District (–10.28; cum. 357) 29. Texas (–8.98; cum. 395) 30. * Ohio (–8.07; cum. 413) 31. Montana (–20.23; cum. 416) 32. South Carolina (–14.27; cum. 425) I estimate U.S. Popular Vote margins of +8, +9, and +10 make those listed between Nos. 30 to 32 also flippable. Along with this, it is likely the 2020 Democrats also flip majority control of the U.S. Senate. They will likely lose Alabama (because it is generally heavily aligned to the Republicans) but counter-flip: Colorado (which, since 2008, became realigned to the Democrats), Arizona (special), Maine, and North Carolina (same-party outcomes, for U.S. President and U.S. Senate, since 1972). Reaching that 51st seat, and with exceeding that number, involves Georgia (special and regular), Iowa, and Montana. (If all flip, that would be a new majority of 54 seats.) Anything more involves the likes of South Carolina, Texas, and Kansas (which may turn out to be the 2020 Democrats’ No. 33 best state, for U.S. President, whether or not carried; again, depends on national 2016-to-2020 shift and result in U.S. Popular Vote margin). mellobruce—If you disagree, please respond and be specific with explaining why. But, I will conclude with this: By the stretch of no one’s imagination—not even a person who is completely full of shit—is Election 2020 shaping up to become a Republican landslide.

    Those numbers are interesting, for an exercise in futility.

    Candidate Biden is a complete failure.  He is a fraud, liar, racist, pervert and the majority agree that he suffers dementia, and this is what the Democrats propose as a world leader?  The arrogance of the Left is astounding…they think they can run a presidential candidate as weak as Biden and still expect to win!  What a joke!  What an insult to the American people.

    Thanks to the Electoral College every moron in California and New York can vote against Trump and still lose.  Millions and millions of California and New York votes will not count, wasted.

    I am certain most people realize that a Democrat win would be disastrous to the USA, and the world.  China and Iran really really really want Biden to win, as does Soros and the EU and every globalist freak out there.  Not going to happen.

    The president spoke for 1 hour and 41 minutes this evening and it was amazing. There were Antifa and BLM assholes causing problems for a group of people who wanted only peaceful assembly…gods I hate the intolerant left.  You cannot even have a discussion with them, it’s like trying to talk to an evangelical…hopeless, useless, stupid believers.

    Normal, rational people will not vote Democrat because of:

    The Green New Deal, Open borders, Defund the police, Abolish ICE and the best one of all, Significantly raise taxes across the board.  I have never seen a political strategy of raising taxes in my long life.  It defies logic.  LOL

    I will be watching the election on CNN.  I want to see if Wolf Blitzer faints when Trump wins…in 2016 Wolf staggered when the determining numbers came in (from Florida) but he kept it together, and announced that Donald Trump had defeated Hillary Clinton!  Wolf is OK

     

     

     

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    Atypical
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    Sick staff and empty seats: How Trump’s triumphant return to the campaign trail went from bad to worse

    (CNN) By the time President Donald Trump was gliding in his helicopter toward Joint Base Andrews on Saturday, destined for what he’d once hoped would be a triumphant packed-to-the-rafters return to the campaign trail, things were already looking bad.

    Scanning cable news coverage earlier in the day, Trump was disappointed to see pictures not of massive lines forming outside the Bank of Oklahoma Center in Tulsa but of Geoffrey Berman, the federal prosecutor Trump’s attorney general had attempted unsuccessfully to dismiss the night before, a person familiar with his response said.

    Hours later, the President was informed six campaign staffers in Tulsa had tested positive for coronavirus ahead of his scheduled arrival — an unfortunate reminder of an ongoing pandemic Trump’s critics say he is ignoring. After initially dismissing the revelation, a source familiar with his reaction said Trump erupted when it was subsequently reported in the media — overtaking coverage of the rally itself.

    Still, a determined Trump was intent on breathing new life into his staggering campaign. He took off for Tulsa, convinced large swaths of his supporters would be waiting for him there.

    Things did not improve once Air Force One lifted off. The President received a report that only about 25 people were assembled in the overflow space the campaign had reserved for a crowd Trump claimed five days earlier would top 40,000.

    Two hours before the rally was set to begin, people who had signed up for tickets received an urgent text message from the Trump campaign: “The Great American Comeback Celebration’s almost here!” it read. “There’s still space!”

    When the President landed in Tulsa at 5:51 p.m. local time, the crowds his aides had promised him had failed to materialize. Air Force One flew over the arena, where Trump had been told thousands of supporters would be waiting to hear from him before he went inside, but saw nothing resembling the sea of people he’d been expecting.

    While he was in the air, the campaign had canceled the outside appearance given the apparent lack of enthusiasm.

    Once viewed inside the White House and Trump’s campaign as a reset button for a presidency beset by crises and self-inflicted wounds, Saturday evening’s campaign rally in Tulsa instead became plagued with pitfalls, a disappointing microcosm of the blindspots, denial and wishful thinking that have come to guide the President as he enters one of the most precarious moments of his first term.

    By the time he strode out to the strains of Lee Greenwood on Saturday evening into a partially-full Bank of Oklahoma Center, the event had devolved from a triumphant return to the campaign trail after a 110-day pandemic-forced absence into something else altogether.

    The launch of a new assault on former Vice President Joe Biden fizzled, replaced by recycled grievances and race-baiting. The sparse crowd was a reminder that many Americans, even Trump’s supporters, remain cautious of a pandemic that continues to rage in places like Oklahoma, where cases are spiking, even if Trump is ready to move on.

    Aides were anxiously awaiting his response to a less-than-stellar turnout, aware he has threatened to fire officials in the past when his rallies ended in disappointment.

    “You are warriors. We had some very bad people outside. They were doing bad things. But I really do appreciate it,” Trump told his crowd, appearing to explain away the empty seats as a result of “thugs” outside the arena, even though CNN teams on the ground said they did not see violence or people blocking entrances.

    After a nearly two-hour speech notable mainly for its discursiveness, Trump left Tulsa on Saturday night having spent around three hours in the city. The six advance staffers who had tested positive for coronavirus remained in their chain hotel rooms, quarantined for the foreseeable future.

    Disappointment in the making

    From nearly the moment the word “Tulsa” slipped from Trump’s mouth two Wednesdays ago, things seemed to start going south.

    First there was the problem with the rally’s date, which the President changed begrudgingly after learning it coincided with Juneteenth — the holiday commemorating the end of slavery in the United States. The new slot, he complained, would draw fewer viewers.

    Then there was the location, which Trump did not view as a problem even though plenty of others around him were wary of riling a city with a violent racist history in the middle of a national racial reckoning.

    The notion of packing supporters into a crowded arena amid a resurgence in coronavirus cases was always going to be an issue — but half-a-dozen staffers on the advance team testing positive was a wrinkle Trump had not anticipated when he insisted a rally be placed on his schedule.

    By the middle of May, Trump had begun quizzing aides when he might be able to return to the campaign rallies that have long been one of the few aspects of being a politician he enjoys.

    Confined to the White House for months amid a pandemic that had caused a once-hot economy to ice over, Trump repeatedly asked that a rally be put on the calendar, even as public health officials warned against large gatherings.

    For weeks, Trump’s requests for a rally were put off or slow-walked, with the health warnings as rationale. While the administration’s top public health experts — including Doctors Anthony Fauci and Deborah Birx — did not weigh in specifically on campaign rallies, their views of resuming large gatherings were well known among Trump’s staffers.

    But as large protests began forming after the death of George Floyd, the Black man who died after a White police officer knelt on his neck, the arguments against convening a rally seemed harder to make — particularly to the President, who said if protesters could gather in large numbers, than so could his supporters.

    With Trump more intent than ever on returning to the trail, his senior campaign team scrambled to identify a location that could both guarantee a large crowd and provide a cooperative governor and mayor who would allow a major gathering of people — potentially indoors — to proceed, despite continued warnings against such events by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

    Tulsa appeared at first glance to fit the bill. Oklahoma had experienced relatively low numbers of coronavirus infections, and drawing a major crowd in the deep-red state did not seem like it would be an issue.

    While many of the President’s allies believed he should focus only on those states that he won in 2016 but that he now appears at risk of losing in November — like Michigan, Arizona, Florida, and several others — Oklahoma seemed a safer bet for a rally that was quickly assuming oversized importance, both in the West Wing and at campaign headquarters.

    Though Trump formally launched his campaign one year ago in Orlando, he started telling people in recent weeks that the Tulsa event was the “real launch.” He reasoned that his abysmal poll numbers were only because of the coronavirus lockdowns, and posited on several occasions that he hasn’t been trying to run against Biden yet.

    The rally came the same day the Trump campaign announced it had raised $74 million in May in conjunction with the Republican National Committee — $7 million less than what Biden and the Democratic National Committee raised.

    Return to normal

    For many advisers, particularly those who worked on the President’s 2016 campaign, the rally was regarded as a return to normal after what has been one of his roughest stretches of his presidency.

    “The rally is a great signal to the rest of the country that it’s time to get things moving again,” Tim Murtaugh, Trump’s campaign communications director, told CNN last week. “Americans will now see the contrast between the President’s record of accomplishment versus the history of failure Biden brings to the table.”

    But nearly as soon as Trump announced his rally from the White House Cabinet Room — “a beautiful, new venue — brand-new — and we’re looking forward to it,” he said — the problems began.

    Upon advice from lawyers, the campaign applied a liability waiver to the online sign-up form for potential attendees, warning “you and any guests voluntarily assume all risks related to exposure to COVID-19.”

    Neither Trump nor his campaign aides were aware that the date they’d selected coincided with Juneteenth. Even after the date was pointed out, some of Trump’s campaign aides and White House staffers downplayed any problems, insisting it wasn’t unusual to hold campaign events on holidays.

    But this June 19 was not like past years. Amid a national outpouring of grief and anger following Floyd’s death, the holiday had assumed a special significance in highlighting the country’s racist history as millions continue to protest that history’s legacy and still-existent consequences.

    After a Black Secret Service agent explained the significance to the President – and after Trump polled his orbit to find no one who had heard of Juneteenth — the President began to consider changing the date. He also heard directly from Sen. James Lankford, an Oklahoma Republican, who told him a date-change would be wise.

    Trump agreed, but told his campaign advisers to schedule the rally the day before Juneteenth, a Thursday, rather than move the rally a day later to Saturday. Trump explained that Saturday evenings were a television ratings void and that he wanted massive viewership of his first campaign foray in months.

    Instead, Trump’s aides convinced him that a weekend would draw a larger crowd because potential attendees would not be at work. And the campaign announced it was scouting outdoor venues to accommodate an overflow audience unable to fit inside the 19,000-capacity BOK Center.

    Consumed

    For the past week, the rally has consumed Trump’s attention, according to people familiar with the matter. The President invited Oklahoma’s governor to the White House on Thursday for a roundtable that was also a venue for Trump to hype his event.

    “We’re going to be in Oklahoma. And it’s a crowd like, I guess, nobody’s seen before. We have tremendous, tremendous requests for tickets like, I think, probably has never happened politically before,” Trump said. Later, during the same event, Trump appeared to be idly scrolling through his phone while two women business owners detailed their experience during the pandemic.

    On Friday, with no events on his schedule, Trump appeared to be focused on the next day’s rally. He threatened potential protesters on Twitter, saying they would not be afforded gentle treatment if they came to his event. Upon learning there would be a curfew in place on the three nights surrounding the rally, Trump phoned Tulsa’s mayor to protest. Trump tweeted afterward the mayor had agreed to rescind the curfew for his supporters who were camped outside.

    By the time he awoke on Saturday, Trump was enthusiastic about the evening ahead. But he soured when he turned on his television to find coverage not of massive crowds but of Berman, whose dismissal Trump did not anticipate would generate controversy and whose refusal to leave impeded upon coverage of the President’s forthcoming rally.

    Hours later — as Vice President Mike Pence was stalled on his way to Tulsa while thunderstorms rolled over Joint Base Andrews — Trump learned of the six staffers who had tested positive for coronavirus while they were advancing the President’s rally. The campaign had initially not planned to test staff beforehand unless it was expected they would come into contact with the President, Vice President or one of his children, and was not planning to reveal that several staffers had tested positive. But the news leaked, and several campaign staffers found out about the cases from media reports, one of those officials told CNN.

    Trump was furious when it was reported that several staffers had tested positive, believing it — like Berman — was overshadowing his event, the person said. By the time he was departing the White House for Tulsa, the jubilant resumption of rallies was already turning to resentment.

    If there was one glimmer of light, it was the crowd.

    “The event in Oklahoma is unbelievable. The crowds are unbelievable. They haven’t seen anything like it,” Trump said as he departed the South Lawn in Washington, DC.

    It was a different story in Tulsa. The wide avenue where a stage had been erected for an overflow crowd in the tens of thousands was virtually vacant, and planned speeches there by Trump and Pence were scrapped. Inside the arena, it was only partly full as the President was arriving.

    Murtaugh asserted that the smaller-than-expected crowds were partially a result of interference by protesters, though none of the CNN reporters and producers on the ground in Tulsa saw any incident with protesters trying to block supporters from attending.

    Ultimately, aides said Tulsa was about something far more important than mere politicking; after a dreary stretch, the event was meant to provide Trump the adulation he craves and to re-energize him after weeks spent wallowing in sagging poll numbers and critical media coverage.

    Trump told staff he wanted all of his surrogates on-hand when he landed in Tulsa on Saturday night, so aides invited dozens and chartered a private plane to transport them all. Photos from the flight show none wearing masks.

    “I guarantee you after Saturday, if everything goes well, he’s going to be in a much better mood,” a Trump political adviser said. “He believes that he needs to be out there fighting and he feeds off the energy of the crowds.”

    After Trump finished speaking, a person familiar told CNN that two Secret Service agents had also tested positive for coronavirus.

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    DS0816
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    Those numbers are interesting…

    There are more numbers.

    With a listing of their margins (and their cumulative electoral votes), here were the results from Election 2016 of what carried for Donald Trump with his Republican pickup of the presidency of the United States (* 2016 Republican pickups):

    Nebraska’s 3rd Congressional District +54.19 (cumulative 01 electoral vote)
    01. Wyoming +46.30 (cum. 04)
    02. West Virginia +41.68 (cum. 09)
    03. Oklahoma +36.39 (cum. 16)
    04. North Dakota +35.73 (cum. 19)
    05. Idaho +31.76 (cum. 23)
    06. Kentucky +29.84 (cum. 31)
    07. South Dakota +29.79 (cum. 34)
    08. Alabama +27.73 (cum. 43)
    09. Arkansas +26.92 (cum. 49)
    10. Tennessee +26.01 (cum. 60)
    11. Nebraska [statewide] +25.05 (cum. 62)
    Nebraska’s 1st Congressional Distict +20.72 (cum. 63)
    12. Kansas +20.42 (cum. 69)
    13. Montana +20.23 (cum. 72)
    14. Louisiana +19.64 (cum. 80)
    15. Indiana +19.01 (cum. 91)
    16. Missouri +18.51 (cum. 101)
    17. Utah +17.89 (cum. 107)
    18. Mississippi +17.80 (cum. 113)
    19. Alaska +14.73 (cum. 116)
    20. South Carolina +14.27 (cum. 125)
    — * Maine’s 2nd Congressional District +10.28 (cum. 126)
    21. * Iowa +9.41 (cum. 132)
    22. Texas +8.98 (cum. 170)
    23. * Ohio +8.07 (cum. 188)
    24. Georgia +5.10 (cum. 204)
    25. North Carolina +3.66 (cum. 219)
    26. Arizona +3.50 (cum. 230)
    Nebraska’s 2nd Congressional District +2.23 (cum. 231)
    27. * Florida +1.19 (cum. 260)
    28. * Wisconsin +0.76 (cum. 270)—tipping-point state
    29. * Pennsylvania +0.72 (cum. 290)
    30. * Michigan +0.22 (cum. 306 original electoral votes)

    Here were the ones which were not carried by 2016 Donald Trump—that they were won by Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton—and how they ranked for Trump:

    31. New Hampshire –0.37 (cum. 310)
    32. Minnesota –1.51 (cum. 320)
    [Margin from U.S. Popular Vote: –2.09]
    33. Nevada –2.42 (cum. 326)
    34. Maine [statewide] –2.96 (cum. 328)
    35. Colorado –4.91 (cum. 337)
    36. Virginia –5.32 (cum. 350)
    37. New Mexico –8.21 (cum. 355)
    38. Oregon –10.98 (cum. 362)
    39. Delaware –11.37 (cum. 365)
    40. Connecticut –13.64 (cum. 372)
    41. New Jersey –13.98 (cum. 386)
    Maine’s 1st Congressional District –14.81 (cum. 387)
    42. Rhode Island –15.51 (cum. 391)
    43. Washington –15.71 (cum. 403)
    44. Illinois –16.89 (cum. 423)
    45. New York –22.49 (cum. 452)
    46. Vermont –26.41 (cum. 455)
    47. Maryland –26.42 (cum. 465)
    48. Massachusetts –27.20 (cum. 476)
    49. California –29.99 (cum. 531)
    50. Hawaii –32.18 (cum. 535)
    — District of Columbia –86.78 (cum. 538)

    Since you mentioned Election 2020 is going to result in a “landslide victory for the GOP and Donald Trump,” and you should be able to refer to the above list for their 2016 margins (and notice Trump lost in the U.S. Popular Vote by –2.09 percentage points), go ahead and tell us where there will be increased 2016-to-2020 re-election support for Donald Trump.

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    Backlash surges against Democrat control of cities

    By Tom Bevan
    Real Clear Politics

    Some commentary has taken direct aim at the prevailing wisdom that the modern Democratic Party is the only choice for minority voters. First, a video rocketed around social media earlier this week showing an African American female street preacher in Seattle’s CHAZ (Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone) explaining to a white woman (presumably a liberal Democrat) why she would never vote for Joe Biden.

    “You want to see a bunch of black people go to jail by the next four years? Put Joe Biden in there. Watch what happens. You want to see black men get killed substantially, like you’ve never seen before? Put Joe Biden in there. Watch what happens. These Democrats, and I’m sorry to say this and I’m not trying to be racist, but they hate black people. These are the same people who fought to keep slavery in. These are the same people who built the KKK. The Republican Party is the party of the blacks.”

    Bishop Aubrey Shines made a similar argument earlier this week in an op-ed in the Washington Times:

    “The Democratic Party, true to form, never lets a crisis go to waste. It has seized on what should be a time of healing and instead made the conversation more divisive by lecturing us all about how systemic racism is supposedly rampant in the United States. The great irony here is that yes, there’s plenty of systemic racism in our country; it’s all wrapped up in the history of the Democratic Party.”

    Shines, who is the founder of Glory to Glory Ministries, also chairs a newly formed group called “Conservative Clergy of Color,” whose mission is to spread the gospel that Democrats have been cynically taking advantage of black voters for years. It’s a minority position within the minority community, to be sure.

    Yet in the midst of the national upheaval over police brutality and claims of systemic racism, it also highlights the fact that Democrats have been in control of nearly every major urban center in America for decades. It’s worth looking at a list:

    Atlanta has been controlled by Democrats for the past 140 years.
    Democrats, including Nancy Pelosi’s father and eldest brother, have held the mayor’s office in Baltimore for all but eight of the last 89 years.
    In Chicago, Democrats have been in charge of the nation’s third-largest city exclusively since 1931.
    Detroit has been run continuously by Democrats since 1962, including 39 years of stewardship by African-American mayors between 1974 and 2013.
    In Los Angeles, 13 of the past 15 mayoral terms have been held by Democrats. Their control of the city began in 1961 and was interrupted by Republican Dick Riordan’s two terms from 1993-2001.
    Democrats have held control in Philadelphia since 1952.
    City Hall in Seattle was, by design, nonpartisan until 1990 when three-term incumbent Charles Royer left the mayor’s office. The year before, Seattle was named one of the “best managed cities in the nation.” Since then, Democrats have run the city exclusively, including through the recent turmoil and the uproar resulting from the city’s first gay mayor, Ed Murray, resigning after multiple allegations of child sex abuse.
    Finally, there is New York, where Rudy Giuliani’s two terms as mayor from 1993-2001 followed by Michael Bloomberg’s 12-year tenure as a Democrat-turned-Republican-turned-Independent gives the city some claim to bipartisan management over the last three decades. Even so, Democrats have long had a lock on the City Council and the place was run exclusively by Democrats for the 25 years between 1969 and 1994. For the last six years it has been helmed by Bill de Blasio, one of the most outspoken progressive Democrats in America.

    Whatever problems exist today in America’s major cities, and in their respective police forces, they are not bipartisan in nature. Republicans have been shut out of the governing apparatus of these cities and excluded from any serious discussion of policy solutions for decades. Donald Trump spoke to this paradox during the 2016 campaign, asking black voters, “What the hell do you have to lose?” “All [Democrats have] done is take advantage of your vote,” he added. “If you keep voting for the same people, you will keep getting exactly the same result.”

    The message of the street preacher in Seattle and the Conservative Clergy of Color is that there is a disconnect between the Democratic Party’s rhetoric and how it governs “minority-majority” cities. This is a far bigger issue than one election and ultimately has little to do with Donald Trump. It’s about accountability — about which of the two major political parties can build a better future for those living in America’s storied, but long-troubled, urban centers.

     

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    mellobruce
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    The thin veneer of civilization that we all take for granted every day is rapidly disintegrating and all that stands between us and complete anarchy is a very narrow blue line.

    As the CHAZ/CHOP anarchy in Seattle demonstrates, once the left gets in power, they embrace everything they claim they’re against, including guns (notably AR-15s), border control and racism. They intimidate and extort. We saw a street preacher being held in a chokehold by Antifa (but what if he can’t breathe?). And walls! Walls are good!

    The withdrawal of police power is resulting in the so-called Ferguson effect, the “massive increase in violent crime throughout urban America.” In some cities (notably Atlanta), police are not responding to calls in multiple precincts. What do you think will happen to crime as a result? Will everyone behave, or will opportunists wreak mayhem?

    As a result of all this mayhem, people are responding in exactly the opposite way the anarchists hoped. Even liberals are admitting things have gone too far.
    In fact, the more the leftist anarchists hammer at our rights, the more conservatives they create. Gun sales have skyrocketed. Silenced people are joining the #WalkAway movement in droves.

    Thus the biggest “unexpected consequence” of these riots is how many people are turning to Trump.

    “Leftists claim they want revolution,” observes Wayne Dupree on Political Insider, “but they underestimate the conservative majority.”

    Yes, majority. Because everyone is conservative when it comes to their own rights – especially when someone tries to take those rights away.

    How many people in Seattle have watched their beautiful city change beneath their feet because of the left-wing radicalization? How many of these people will quietly vote for Trump?

    Even HBO host Bill Maher admits defunding the police is a terrible idea because “it will make people vote Trump.”

    “Understand that the leftist establishment would like nothing better than for Trump to go kinetic,” notes columnist Kurt Schlichter. “That’s why it is baiting him. … Trump’s too smart for that, and frankly the establishment is too dumb and undisciplined to carry it out. … Do you think this is all helping the Dems? If you do, stop watching MSNBCNN. Except among Hollywood jerks, urban hipsters and whiny woke wine women from Westchester, the attack on order means ‘Advantage: Trump.’ … Trump is winning this information battle. Conservative Americans – and moderate Americans who want law and order – can’t wait to vote against defunding the police, rioting and appeasement. The Silent Majority is being roused again.”

    The biggest “unintended consequence” of the left’s war on American citizens will be a landslide Trump win in November.

     

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